Recent studies suggest that the representations learned by large language models (LLMs) are partially aligned to those of the human brain. However, whether this representational alignment arises from a similar sequence of computations remains elusive. In this study, we explore this question by examining temporally-resolved brain signals of participants listening to 10 hours of an audiobook. We study these neural dynamics jointly with a benchmark encompassing 17 LLMs varying in size and architecture type. Our analyses reveal that LLMs and the brain generate representations in a similar order: specifically, activations in the initial layers of LLMs tend to best align with early brain responses, while the deeper layers of LLMs tend to best align with later brain responses. This brain-LLM alignment is consistent across transformers and recurrent architectures. However, its emergence depends on both model size and context length. Overall, the alignment between LLMs and the brain provides novel elements supporting a partial convergence between biological and artificial neural networks.

Humans can spontaneously detect complex algebraic structures. Historically, two opposing views explain this ability, at the root of language and music acquisition. Some argue for the existence of an innate and specific mechanism. Others argue that this ability emerges from experience: i.e. when generic learning principles continuously process sensory inputs. These two views, however, remain difficult to test experimentally. Here, we use deep learning models to evaluate the factors that lead to the spontaneous detection of algebraic structures in the auditory modality. Specifically, we use self-supervised learning to train multiple deep-learning models with a variable amount of either natural (environmental sounds) and/or cultural sounds (speech or music) to evaluate the impact of these stimuli. We then expose these models to the experimental paradigms classically used to evaluate the processing of algebraic structures. Like humans, these models spontaneously detect repeated sequences, probabilistic chunks, and complex algebraic structures. Also like humans, this ability diminishes with structure complexity. Importantly, this ability can emerge from experience alone: the more the models are exposed to natural sounds, the more they spontaneously detect increasingly complex structures. Finally, this ability does not emerge in models pretrained only on speech, and emerges more rapidly in models pretrained with music than environmental sounds. Overall, our study provides an operational framework to clarify sufficient built-in and acquired principles that model human's advanced capacity to detect algebraic structures in sounds.

In the past five years, the use of generative and foundational AI systems has greatly improved the decoding of brain activity. Visual perception, in particular, can now be decoded from functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI) with remarkable fidelity. This neuroimaging technique, however, suffers from a limited temporal resolution ($\approx$0.5\,Hz) and thus fundamentally constrains its real-time usage. Here, we propose an alternative approach based on magnetoencephalography (MEG), a neuroimaging device capable of measuring brain activity with high temporal resolution ($\approx$5,000 Hz). For this, we develop an MEG decoding model trained with both contrastive and regression objectives and consisting of three modules: i) pretrained embeddings obtained from the image, ii) an MEG module trained end-to-end and iii) a pretrained image generator. Our results are threefold: Firstly, our MEG decoder shows a 7X improvement of image-retrieval over classic linear decoders. Second, late brain responses to images are best decoded with DINOv2, a recent foundational image model. Third, image retrievals and generations both suggest that high-level visual features can be decoded from MEG signals, although the same approach applied to 7T fMRI also recovers better low-level features. Overall, these results, while preliminary, provide an important step towards the decoding - in real-time - of the visual processes continuously unfolding within the human brain.

Originally formalized with symbolic representations, syntactic trees may also be effectively represented in the activations of large language models (LLMs). Indeed, a ''Structural Probe'' can find a subspace of neural activations, where syntactically-related words are relatively close to one-another. However, this syntactic code remains incomplete: the distance between the Structural Probe word embeddings can represent the \emph{existence} but not the type and direction of syntactic relations. Here, we hypothesize that syntactic relations are, in fact, coded by the relative direction between nearby embeddings. To test this hypothesis, we introduce a ''Polar Probe'' trained to read syntactic relations from both the distance and the direction between word embeddings. Our approach reveals three main findings. First, our Polar Probe successfully recovers the type and direction of syntactic relations, and substantially outperforms the Structural Probe by nearly two folds. Second, we confirm that this polar coordinate system exists in a low-dimensional subspace of the intermediate layers of many LLMs and becomes increasingly precise in the latest frontier models. Third, we demonstrate with a new benchmark that similar syntactic relations are coded similarly across the nested levels of syntactic trees. Overall, this work shows that LLMs spontaneously learn a geometry of neural activations that explicitly represents the main symbolic structures of linguistic theory.

Several deep neural networks have recently been shown to generate activations similar to those of the brain in response to the same input. These algorithms, however, remain largely implausible: they require (1) extraordinarily large amounts of data, (2) unobtainable supervised labels, (3) textual rather than raw sensory input, and / or (4) implausibly large memory (e.g. thousands of contextual words). These elements highlight the need to identify algorithms that, under these limitations, would suffice to account for both behavioral and brain responses. Focusing on speech processing, we here hypothesize that self-supervised algorithms trained on the raw waveform constitute a promising candidate. Specifically, we compare a recent self-supervised model, wav2vec 2.0, to the brain activity of 412 English, French, and Mandarin individuals recorded with functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI), while they listened to approximately one hour of audio books. First, we show that this algorithm learns brain-like representations with as little as 600 hours of unlabelled speech -- a quantity comparable to what infants can be exposed to during language acquisition. Second, its functional hierarchy aligns with the cortical hierarchy of speech processing. Third, different training regimes reveal a functional specialization akin to the cortex: wav2vec 2.0 learns sound-generic, speech-specific and language-specific representations similar to those of the prefrontal and temporal cortices. Fourth, we confirm the similarity of this specialization with the behavior of 386 additional participants. These elements, resulting from the largest neuroimaging benchmark to date, show how self-supervised learning can account for a rich organization of speech processing in the brain, and thus delineate a path to identify the laws of language acquisition which shape the human brain.

The activations of language transformers like GPT-2 have been shown to linearly map onto brain activity during speech comprehension. However, the nature of these activations remains largely unknown and presumably conflate distinct linguistic classes. Here, we propose a taxonomy to factorize the high-dimensional activations of language models into four combinatorial classes: lexical, compositional, syntactic, and semantic representations. We then introduce a statistical method to decompose, through the lens of GPT-2’s activations, the brain activity of 345 subjects recorded with functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) during the listening of 4.6 hours of narrated text. The results highlight two findings. First, compositional representations recruit a more widespread cortical network than lexical ones, and encompass the bilateral temporal, parietal and prefrontal cortices. Second, contrary to previous claims, syntax and semantics are not associated with separated modules, but, instead, appear to share a common and distributed neural substrate. Overall, this study introduces a versatile framework to isolate, in the brain activity, the distributed representations of linguistic constructs.