There is growing evidence of ride-hailing platforms’ adverse impact on drivers. Nonetheless, hundreds of thousands of drivers continue to work on these platforms. Why? The key contribution of this paper is to show that workers in technology-mediated labour markets come to be increasingly dependent on the technology-provider in order to connect with the customers. As more and more customers choose to get various tasks done via intermediary platforms, for workers who perform such tasks for a living, this translates into growing dependencies on these infrastructuralized platforms for their livelihoods and thus increased vulnerabilities to the impact of platform design and policies. These ‘new dependencies’, therefore, make it critical for us not to conflate workers’ continued use of platforms with their experiencing benefits. By drawing upon a qualitative study with auto-rickshaw drivers using Ola, a ride-hailing platform similar to Uber in India, the paper shows that a consequence of ‘new dependencies’ for drivers is that they are stuck ‘between a rock and a hard place’ whereby: a) on the one hand, the platform design heightens their precarity, provides them with little benefit, and often leads to tensions with customers, b) on the other, a shift of more and more customers from street-hailing to app-based hailing over time exacerbates dependencies for drivers on these very platforms, leaving them with little choice but to continue to use them for work.

Online labour platforms promise efficient, low-friction matching of workers with clients at scale and on-demand. Prior studies on Upwork have shown that the combination of specialized knowledge and expertise, high autonomy, and extent of client-worker engagement makes macrotasks a unique category of 'on-demand' work. However, there is a need to unpack the nature of macrotask work from the freelancers' perspective. Based on a qualitative study of 21 freelancers on Upwork, this paper fills this important gap by delineating how freelancers reason about accomplishing macrotasks, their interaction with clients, the key challenges that they face in various stages of the work process, and the strategies they devise to mitigate the costs and overhead. This paper shows that freelancers perceive accomplishing macrotasks as a collaborative achievement with the client. It also demonstrates that the skill-intensive nature of tasks implies that matching freelancer with the task/client is of enormous importance. It describes three programmatic solutions that the platform offers to facilitate the matching process along with their benefits and limitations. It, then, shows how freelancers seek to minimize the costs and work associated with matching and collaboration through repeat hiring along the benefits they result in. Lastly, the paper highlights how the same set of core issues is mirrored for both the freelancer and client sides of the market, which need to be addressed in order to enhance the ease and effectiveness of client-freelancer collaboration.

Online freelance platforms can transform knowledge work. However, 'gigification' also presents challenges, including how freelance workers can access and work with knowledge, which prior research has not examined. Through a qualitative interview study, we identify disparities in how freelancers who work for enterprise companies are able to utilize knowledge as part of their work, when compared with traditional employees of similar organizations. We examine how 38 knowledge workers (21 freelancers, 17 employees) deploy knowledge, work skillfully and mobilize resources to meet knowledge needs. We find that both employees and freelancers understand their own ability to act knowledgeably as a dynamic, collaborative, negotiated and emergent accomplishment. However, for freelancers, the dynamic dimensions of knowledge work - such as helping others see the meaning and value of their work, and creating ties between their work and the enterprise - are only minimally-legitimized and minimally-supported by organizing structures and tools. We present our results as 'knowledge gaps', and propose design recommendations to reduce these gaps and consequently make on-demand knowledge work more effective and sustainable.

Financial inclusion has been defined and understood primarily in terms of access, thereby constituting ‘inclusion’/‘exclusion’ as a binary. This paper argues such a view to be myopic that risks treating financial inclusion as an end in itself, and not as means to a larger end. ‘Access’ oriented perspectives also fail to take into account considerations of structural factors like power asymmetries and pay inadequate attention to user practices. Through the case of auto-rickshaw drivers in Bangalore, India, and their use of Ola, a peer-to-peer taxi hailing service similar to Uber, we show that access is a necessary, but not sufficient condition to achieve financial inclusion in a substantive sense. By examining in detail, the financial needs and practices of rickshaw drivers, we identify the opportunities and constraints for digital technology to better support their financial practices and enhance their wellbeing. The paper proposes adding ‘autonomy’ and ‘affordances’ as two crucial factors to be included in the discourse on financial inclusion. Finally, we outline design implications for P2P technologies to contribute towards the financial inclusion of drivers.

Despite the growing interest in digitization and money in HCI and CSCW, the use of cash and digital payments by people with disabilities has received scant attention. We present findings from a qualitative study of people with visual impairments' use of cash and digital payments in metropolitan India. Using ride-hailing services as an exemplar, we find that both cash and digital payments were inaccessible to participants. We use Perry and Ferreira's "moneywork" as a theoretical framework to highlight the "added" work necessitated by this inaccessibility; that is, the work done in addition to the interactional work necessary to complete financial transactions. We argue that this "added" work is instrumental in "making" payments accessible. We discuss how ride-hailing platforms mediated collaborations between drivers and riders in relation to payments, while still making "moneywork" essential. We provide recommendations to improve the accessibility of digital payments to facilitate greater economic inclusion.

We describe the design of a novel mobile phone-based application for loan management in a resource-constrained setting. In this setting, a social enterprise manages auto-rickshaw loans for drivers, taking charge of collections. The design was informed by an ethnographic study which revealed how loan management for this financially vulnerable population is a daily struggle, and loan payment is a collaborative achievement between collectors and drivers. However, drivers and collectors have limited resources to-hand for loan management. To address this, we designed Prayana, an intermediated financial management app. Prayana shares the principles of many persuasive technologies, such as education, motivation, and nudges, but is designed for users with a range of print, technical, and financial literacies and embodies the core design sensibility of enhancing users' agency. Furthermore, it does not put the onus solely on drivers to better manage their money, instead it aims to enhance the collaborative work of loan management, supporting both the drivers and collectors.

This paper reports on the changes in the monetary ecology around loan payments by auto rickshaw drivers shortly after the introduction of a mobile app in Karnataka, India. A for-profit, social enterprise facilitates loans for purchasing auto rickshaws. The mobile app was designed and implemented to provide accurate, timely loan information for drivers, to support the collaborative work of loan collection payment, and streamline the workflows of the organization. In this paper, we report on the initial experiences with the app, and argue that its introduction led to a tighter coupling of the actors involved and moved control to the back office, which especially impacted the pre- and at-transaction interactions of the monetary ecology. The paper reflects on how these changes impact adoption and use of the app and suggests a number of changes to the design which might address the observed problematics.

This paper contributes to the growing literature on peer-to-peer (P2P) applications through an ethnographic study of auto-rickshaw drivers in Bengaluru, India. We describe how the adoption of a P2P application, Ola, which connects passengers to rickshaws, changes drivers work practices. Ola is part of the 'peer services' phenomenon which enable new types of ad-hoc trade in labour, skills and goods. Auto-rickshaw drivers present an interesting case because prior to Ola few had used Smartphones or the Internet. Furthermore, as financially vulnerable workers in the informal sector, concerns about driver welfare become prominent. Whilst technologies may promise to improve livelihoods, they do not necessarily deliver [57]. We describe how Ola does little to change the uncertainty which characterizes an auto drivers' day. This leads us to consider how a more equitable and inclusive system might be designed.