How (dis)similar are the learning trajectories of vision–language models and children? Recent modeling work has attempted to understand the gap between models’ and humans’ data efficiency by constructing models trained on less data, especially multimodal naturalistic data. However, such models are often evaluated on adult-level benchmarks, with limited breadth in language abilities tested, and without direct comparison to behavioral data. We introduce DevBench, a multimodal benchmark comprising seven language evaluation tasks spanning the domains of lexical, syntactic, and semantic ability, with behavioral data from both children and adults. We evaluate a set of vision–language models on these tasks, comparing models and humans on their response patterns, not their absolute performance. Across tasks, models exhibit variation in their closeness to human response patterns, and models that perform better on a task also more closely resemble human behavioral responses. We also examine the developmental trajectory of OpenCLIP over training, finding that greater training results in closer approximations to adult response patterns. DevBench thus provides a benchmark for comparing models to human language development. These comparisons highlight ways in which model and human language learning processes diverge, providing insight into entry points for improving language models.

By the age of two, children tend to assume that new word categories are based on objects' shape, rather than their color or texture; this assumption is called the shape bias. They are thought to learn this bias by observing that their caregiver's language is biased towards shape based categories. This presents a chicken and egg problem: if the shape bias must be present in the language in order for children to learn it, how did it arise in language in the first place? In this paper, we propose that communicative efficiency explains both how the shape bias emerged and why it persists across generations. We model this process with neural emergent language agents that learn to communicate about raw pixelated images. First, we show that the shape bias emerges as a result of efficient communication strategies employed by agents. Second, we show that pressure brought on by communicative need is also necessary for it to persist across generations; simply having a shape bias in an agent's input language is insufficient. These results suggest that, over and above the operation of other learning strategies, the shape bias in human learners may emerge and be sustained by communicative pressures.

Cultural fit is widely believed to affect the success of individuals and the groups to which they belong.Yet it remains an elusive, poorly measured construct.Recent research draws on computational linguistics to measure cultural fit but overlooks asymmetries in cultural adaptation.By contrast, we develop a directed, dynamic measure of cultural fit based on linguistic alignment, which estimates the influence of one person's word use on another's and distinguishes between two enculturation mechanisms: internalization and selfregulation.We use this measure to trace employees' enculturation trajectories over a large, multi-year corpus of corporate emails and find that patterns of alignment in the first six months of employment are predictive of individuals downstream outcomes, especially involuntary exit.Further predictive analyses suggest referential alignment plays an overlooked role in linguistic alignment.

In conversation, speakers tend to "accommodate" or "align" to their partners, changing the style and substance of their communications to be more similar to their partners' utterances.We focus here on "linguistic alignment," changes in word choice based on others' choices.Although linguistic alignment is observed across many different contexts and its degree correlates with important social factors such as power and likability, its sources are still uncertain.We build on a recent probabilistic model of alignment, using it to separate out alignment attributable to words versus word categories.We model alignment in two contexts: telephone conversations and microblog replies.Our results show evidence of alignment, but it is primarily lexical rather than categorical.Furthermore, we find that discourse acts modulate alignment substantially.This evidence supports the view that alignment is shaped by strategic communicative processes related to the ongoing discourse.

When people talk, they tend to adopt the behaviors, gestures, and language of their conversational partners. This "accommodation" to one's partners is largely automatic, but the degree to which it occurs is influenced by social factors, such as gender, relative power, and attraction. In settings where such social information is not known, this accommodation can be a useful cue for the missing information. This is especially important in web-based communication, where social dynamics are often fluid and rarely stated explicitly. But connecting accommodation and social dynamics on the web requires accurate quantification of the different amounts of accommodation being made.

If speakers use language rationally, they should structure their messages to achieve approximately uniform information density (UID), in order to optimize transmission via a noisy channel.Previous work identified a consistent increase in linguistic information across sentences in text as a signature of the UID hypothesis.This increase was derived from a predicted increase in context, but the context itself was not quantified.We use microblog texts from Twitter, tied to a single shared event (the baseball World Series), to quantify both linguistic and non-linguistic context.By tracking changes in contextual information, we predict and identify gradual and rapid changes in information content in response to in-game events.These findings lend further support to the UID hypothesis and highlights the importance of nonlinguistic common ground for language production and processing.

Identifying the distinct register that adults use when speaking to children is an important task for child development research. We present a fully automatic, speaker-independent system that detects child-directed speech. The two-stage system uses diarization-style voice activation techniques to extract speech segments followed by a supervised ν-SVM classifier trained on 1582 prosodic and log Mel energy features. The system significantly improves the state of the art, detecting child-directed speech with F1 of .66 (exact boundary) and .83 (within 1 second). A feature analysis confirms the importance of F0 features (especially 3rd quartile and range) as well as new features like the variance, kurtosis, and min of log Mel energy within a frequency band.

Language users are remarkably good at making inferences about speakers' intentions in context, and children learning their native language also display substantial skill in acquiring the meanings of unknown words. These two cases are deeply related: Language users invent new terms in conversation, and language learners learn the literal meanings of words based on their pragmatic inferences about how those words are used. While pragmatic inference and word learning have both been independently characterized in probabilistic terms, no current work unifies these two. We describe a model in which language learners assume that they jointly approximate a shared, external lexicon and reason recursively about the goals of others in using this lexicon. This model captures phenomena in word learning and pragmatic inference; it additionally leads to insights about the emergence of communicative systems in conversation and the mechanisms by which pragmatic inferences become incorporated into word meanings.

Grounded language learning, the task of mapping from natural language to a representation of meaning, has attracted more and more interest in recent years. In most work on this topic, however, utterances in a conversation are treated independently and discourse structure information is largely ignored. In the context of language acquisition, this independence assumption discards cues that are important to the learner, e.g., the fact that consecutive utterances are likely to share the same referent (Frank et al., 2013). The current paper describes an approach to the problem of simultaneously modeling grounded language at the sentence and discourse levels. We combine ideas from parsing and grammar induction to produce a parser that can handle long input strings with thousands of tokens, creating parse trees that represent full discourses. By casting grounded language learning as a grammatical inference task, we use our parser to extend the work of Johnson et al. (2012), investigating the importance of discourse continuity in children’s language acquisition and its interaction with social cues. Our model boosts performance in a language acquisition task and yields good discourse segmentations compared with human annotators.

This paper presents Bayesian non-parametric models that simultaneously learn to segment words from phoneme strings and learn the referents of some of those words, and shows that there is a synergistic interaction in the acquisition of these two kinds of linguistic information. The models themselves are novel kinds of Adaptor Grammars that are an extension of an embedding of topic models into PCFGs. These models simultaneously segment phoneme sequences into words and learn the relationship between non-linguistic objects to the words that refer to them. We show (i) that modelling inter-word dependencies not only improves the accuracy of the word segmentation but also of word-object relationships, and (ii) that a model that simultaneously learns word-object relationships and word segmentation segments more accurately than one that just learns word segmentation on its own. We argue that these results support an interactive view of language acquisition that can take advantage of synergies such as these.

Multiple object tracking is a task commonly used to investigate the architecture of human visual attention. Human participants show a distinctive pattern of successes and failures in tracking experiments that is often attributed to limits on an object system, a tracking module, or other specialized cognitive structures. Here we use a computational analysis of the task of object tracking to ask which human failures arise from cognitive limitations and which are consequences of inevitable perceptual uncertainty in the tracking task. We find that many human performance phenomena, measured through novel behavioral experiments, are naturally produced by the operation of our ideal observer model (a Rao-Blackwelized particle filter). The tradeoff between the speed and number of objects being tracked, however, can only arise from the allocation of a flexible cognitive resource, which can be formalized as either memory or attention.

For infants, early word learning is a chicken-and-egg problem. One way to learn a word is to observe that it co-occurs with a particular referent across different situations. Another way is to use the social context of an utterance to infer the in- tended referent of a word. Here we present a Bayesian model of cross-situational word learning, and an extension of this model that also learns which social cues are relevant to determining reference. We test our model on a small corpus of mother-infant interaction and find it performs better than competing models. Fi- nally, we show that our model accounts for experimental phenomena including mutual exclusivity, fast-mapping, and generalization from social cues. To understand the difficulty of an infant word-learner, imagine walking down the street with a friend who suddenly says “dax blicket philbin na fivy!” while at the same time wagging her elbow. If you knew any of these words you might infer from the syntax of her sentence that blicket is a novel noun, and hence the name of a novel object. At the same time, if you knew that this friend indicated her attention by wagging her elbow at objects, you might infer that she intends to refer to an object in a nearby show window. On the other hand if you already knew that “blicket” meant the object in the window, you might be able to infer these elements of syntax and social cues. Thus, the problem of early word-learning is a classic chicken-and-egg puzzle: in order to learn word meanings, learners must use their knowledge of the rest of language (including rules of syntax, parts of speech, and other word meanings) as well as their knowledge of social situations. But in order to learn about the facts of their language they must first learn some words, and in order to determine which cues matter for establishing reference (for instance, pointing and looking at an object but normally not waggling your elbow) they must first have a way to know the intended referent in some situations. For theories of language acquisition, there are two common ways out of this dilemma. The first involves positing a wide range of innate structures which determine the syntax and categories of a language and which social cues are informative. (Though even when all of these elements are innately determined using them to learn a language from evidence may not be trivial [1].) The other alternative involves bootstrapping: learning some words, then using those words to learn how to learn more. This paper gives a proposal for the second alternative. We first present a Bayesian model of how learners could use a statistical strategy—cross-situational word-learning—to learn how words map to objects, independent of syntactic and social cues. We then extend this model to a true bootstrapping situation: using social cues to learn words while using words to learn social cues. Finally, we examine several important phenomena in word learning: mutual exclusivity (the tendency to assign novel words to novel referents), fast-mapping (the ability to assign a novel word in a linguistic context to a novel referent after only a single use), and social generalization (the ability to use social context to learn the referent of a novel word). Without adding additional specialized machinery, we show how these can be explained within our model as the result of domain-general probabilistic inference mechanisms operating over the linguistic domain. 1 Figure 1: Graphical model de- scribing the generation of words (Ws) from an intention (Is) and lexicon ((cid:96)), and intention from the objects present in a situa- tion (Os). The plate indicates multiple copies of the model for different situation/utterance pairs (s). Dotted portions indicate ad- ditions to include the generation of social cues Ss from intentions.